An Old Debate


An old 1900s debate about tuberculosis and its resurgence

In the 1880s, David Chrowry-Muthu left India (where he was born) to become a physician in Britain.1 While in Britain, he opened "one of the largest and most up-to-date" sanatoriums in Wells, standing atop a hill, surrounded by trees and fresh air.2 But his sanatorium practice in Wells did not last long.

In the early 1900s, Saint Nihal Singh, an Indian journalist, would make his way to Muthu's sanatorium. He eventually wrote a review of the sanatorium for the May, 1920 issue of "The Modern Review," an Indian based newspaper. His review was mostly positive, especially of Muthu, describing him as a makeup of "the best of the East, and the best of the West."3 But this review was not without its objections. Singh questioned why Muthu was in Britain instead of India. Reasoning that "India [cannot] afford to spare this son of hers to toil in a foreign land" and that Muthu should be "saving his own people from the dread scourge [of tuberculosis]," not the British.4

Muthu must have been thinking similarly, or Singh convinced him of it because in the early 1920s Muthu stepped away from his "thriving sanatorium practice" to travel across India. He studied tuberculosis throughout the region, eventually publishing his findings in 1922 in Pulmonary Tuberculosis.5

Tuberculosis was rampant in India, especially in cities where overcrowding and congestion was prevalent.6 Combining the deaths diagnosed as tuberculosis and a portion of fevers (which are miscategorized according to Muthu), Muthu found that the annual death rate is at least 900,000–1,000,000.7 That is around 317 deaths per 100,000, shockingly high. For comparison, around 1.25 million people died from TB worldwide in 2023, nearly as much as died just in India.8

A large portion of his book Pulmonary Tuberculosis outlines how to treat tuberculosis, usually consisting of a stay at a sanatorium, which provided the patient with fresh air, exercise, good nutrition, and psychological treatment.9 But it also outlines someting much more interesting: what he thinks causes tuberculosis


In the early 1900s, two decades after the discovery of the tuberculosis bacteria, physicians and researchers were still debating the role of the bacilli in a tuberculosis infection, Muthu among them. Muthu distilled this debate to two arguments: it is either caused by infection or social factors, clarifying "we cannot have it both ways."10 For Muthu, settling this issues was very important, stating


It is time, therefore, that we lay aside every bias and prejudice and set out to explore every avenue in the light of present knowledge, and make a searching investigation of all the factors that lied behind this great plague which claims its victims by millions all over the world.11


Muthu eventually settled on the latter, arguing throughout the book for a purely social cause of the disease—one not caused by a bacteria. But that cannot be said about where we have settled today.

From a purely biological perspective, we currently believe that tuberculosis is, indeed, caused solely by a bacteria (Mycobacterium tuberculosis to be specific). But as author and advocate John Green proclaimed in his book, Everything is Tuberculosis, "Ultimately, we are the cause [of tuberculosis]."12 To Green and many other advocates, tuberculosis is not just caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium tuberculosis but also the choices we as a society have made and continue to make.

In 2023, over 1 million people died of tuberculosis—yet we know how to cure it.13 This wasn't a new development, we found out how to cure it less than 30 years after Muthu's Pulmonary Tuberculosis was released. For those 1 million people (and 10 million others that contracted TB in 2023), their tuberculosis wasn't only caused by the Mycobacterium tuberculosis, but also a lack of access to treatment, testing, and nutritional support—which we have caused. If those people had accurate and affordable testing, treatment, and nutritional support, many of them wouldn't have tuberculosis and many of them wouldn't have died of it.

Today we haven't chosen only one cause of tuberculosis (like Muthu was suggesting), but instead multiple. We have, in many ways, revived the debate of the past, looking in many of the same places Muthu and others looked, but also looking to new ones.


Before we dive into Muthu's ideas, we should first understand what he is refuting: a bacterial theory of tuberculosis.

In the late 1800s and early 1900s, many researchers relied on the so-called "seed and soil" metaphor to explain this new bacterial theory of disease. The seed usually refers to the outside cause, such as the bacteria. While the soil refers to the thing that the seed is affecting.14

To people who believed in germ theory, bacteria were little seeds floating in the air, ready to plant themselves wherever they could find the soil.15 They believed that bacteria infected human bodies, causing disease. An 1874 New York Times article put it perfectly:



The thought itself is an impressive and natural one, that there may be a 'cholera seed' or 'scarlet-fever germ' or 'typhoid sporule' floating through the air, just as there are floating seeds of thistles or dandelion, or germs of tulip-trees or limes, or scores of the nameless plants which sow themselves wherever there is the slightest bit of soil or moisture favoring.16


Muthu obviously had problems with this theory. One of the biggest being that it didn't bring anything new to the table curatively in the first couple decades, and he didn't believe it could. Aside from Koch's Lymph, which turned out to be fraudulent, the discovery of the tuberculosis bacteria yielded no new curative measures nor had preventative measures produced any results (at least in Muthu's eyes).17 He also saw multiple contradictions during his time studying tuberculosis, including "If pulmonary tuberculosis were a contagious disease, consumptive hospitals and sanatoria would be hotbeds of infection, and there would be evidence of the physicians, nurses, and others engaged in them being infected by the disease," going on to state "there is a remarkable history of immunity from consumption among the staff...."18 These factors, among many others, all contributed to Muthu looking elsewhere for the cause of tuberculosis.19 It wasn't in the seeds floating in the air, for him, instead it was something that was "in its infancy" at the time, yet was very promising in Muthu's eyes: biochemistry. In addition to his own ideas of how the body worked.

Muthu believed that sickness and disease was inherently the body's adjustment to change in their environment. Essentially the body's attempts to maintain equilibrium or homeostasis.20 The process of adjusting to change causes "diseased conditions," but "the process of diseased conditions becomes the process of healing."21 Put simply, disease is a part of the process of healing. This leaves us with a world where "the organism is constantly adapting itself to the varying changes in the environment," causing disease when changing, but eventually adapting and bringing the body back to harmony.22

His theory went all the way down to the cell. The environment determines everything about each cell, including the "shape, pigment, production, [and] virulence."23 Because the property of every cell is determined by its surroundings, the body must also be determined by its surroundings. But all environmental changes don't lead to the same outcomes or diseases.

For tuberculosis, Muthu cited malnutrition as the main factor that causes tuberculosis. In his book, after refuting bacteria as a cause of tuberculosis, he looks to biochemistry for an explanation. Specifically he looked at the body's metabolism—which he defined as the pathways between food intake and the nutrients getting into the blood. A working metabolism was crucial to the health of the body: if there is "a break in any part of [the metabolism], any deficiency in the quantity and quality of food material...", he claims, "will bring about abnormal changes in the chemical processes and reactions which, if continued, would ultimately lead to pathological and diseased conditions."24 A breakdown of the metabolism would also cause a lack of nutrition, which likely causes such "abnormal changes." This lack of nutrition is what Muthu cites as being fundamental to the cause of tuberculosis, stating "Tuberculosis is fundamentally a disease of lowered nutrition...."25 The lowered nutrition, in the context of his theory about change, causes tuberculosis through the body's reaction and attempts to adjust back to equilibrium.

There can be multiple causes of malnutrition, aside from simply not eating enough, according to Muthu. He first cites stale and cooked foods as being a source of malnutrition, stating that "in stale, cooked food there is a deficiency and destruction of enzymes."26 It isn't just the destruction of enzymes that makes stale food cause malnutrition, but also the destruction of chemicals and vitamins and the introduction of "purion and other toxins," which cause malnutrition according to Muthu.27

He also claims that civilization can cause malnutrition, and subsequently tuberculosis. Specifically, parts of civilization cause the body's metabolism to become impaired, which then causes tuberculosis. These disrupters were mainly dirty, "insanitary" environments, mental strain and the aforementioned food, which Muthu claims are synonymous with civilization.28 These disrupters "induce chemical changes which impair normal metabolism," causing malnutrition and tuberculosis.29 This "excessive physical strain" is caused by "poverty and insanitation" and likely the overworking of people in civilized society, which he talks about earlier in the book.30

But what were these insanitary conditions? In a paper published a year after his book, he outlines what he considers insanitary conditions as when there is "drainage, disposal of sewage, clean water supply, good housing is very low" going further to say that ventilation is also very important.31 These conditions, specifically poor ventilation, were often synonymous with a space being enclosed, causing people to be deprived of light and fresh air, and new Western cities.

These factors alone wouldn't cause death because, according to Muthu, disease is the body's adjustment to change; disease is healing. But, at the time, 1 million people died of tuberculosis in India each year. To explain this, Muthu proposed a different stage of disease, one where it becomes deadly. This stage appears when someone stays in insanitary and malnourished conditions.32 Staying in these conditions long enough causes the body to fail "to adjust itself to the abnormal conditions," causing the "functional adaptive [changes]" that the body made to pass onto "structural changes, and structural to more or less permanent organic changes," which cause the disease to turn truly pathogenic (in the sense that it can cause death).33


Muthu didn't deny the existence of bacteria, partly because he had seen them with his own eyes, but instead believed they were caused by tuberculosis, not the cause of. To explain bacteria and their relation to disease, Muthu turns to the French scientist Antoine Béchamp and his theory of microzymes—the "anatomical units" of life. "These microzymes exist always in every part of every organism, in every phase of its existence, and are an essential element of life, of disease, and of our bodily destruction," they are essentially the building blocks of life.34 These microzymes, just like cells and the human body, adapt to the environment.

When they are subjected to stresses, such as the stresses of civilization or a lack of nutrition, they "become morbid microzymes," turning into bacteria that "carry on the benevolent work of destroying the organic matter on the death of the body," but return to normal "when the destruction is complete, or when the diseased body returns to its normal health...."35 In simple terms, the cells of the body turn into bacteria under stressful conditions. For tuberculosis, the bacteria specifically come from the blood (likely due to a lack of nutrition in the blood).36 They also often only appear when the disease is pathogenic because the "vicious environment" causes the microzymes "to take on pathogenic properties which make for diseases processes."37 The bacteria aren't the cause of tuberculosis, but instead a symptom, coming from the cells themselves and carrying on the adaptive changes they were already making.

The seed doesn't infect the soil, it comes from the soil.


With this view of disease, a cure using drugs would not be feasible, it would "be like administering a pill to cure an earthquake" in Muthu's words.38 Instead, Muthu believed in curing through open air sanatoriums—removing the person from the conditions that cause their disease in the first place.39

After writing his book, Muthu decided to finish what Singh wanted and opened a sanatorium just south of Madras (again perched atop a hill) and named it Tambaram.40 At the time, it was one of only four sanatoriums around Madras and could house 12 people at a time. He imagined this sanatorium would spark other sanatoriums throughout India to be built, providing Indians a curative space away from the pathogenic civilized conditions their cities were quickly turning into.41

In July 1928, Muthu's wife passed away, forcing Muthu to abandon the Tambaram project. After some convincing, he got the Madras government to take over the Tambaram.42 After leaving India, he would continue to question everything from spirituality to biology, but as Venkat pointed out, "his influence in the mainstream of medicine faded away."43 He would die in 1940, being buried in the cemetery of St. Andrew's in Bangalore.44

Even though his ideas didn't catch on at the time, they are representative of similar ideas of etiology reliant on a social understanding of disease. There are also parallels between our new social understanding of the disease and Muthu’s understanding. Unsanitary conditions and malnutrition, while not directly causing tuberculosis, can aggravate it and cause a case of latent tuberculosis to develop into active tuberculosis. We also see social causes elsewhere where Muthu didn’t (and in many ways couldn’t): we see it in a lack of access to tuberculosis drugs (which requires an understanding of the disease as a symptom of our social world and biological world, something Muthu wouldn’t accept), we see it in a lack of research and funding, preventing people from being able to treat some forms of tuberculosis. In many ways, the debate never ended.


Footnotes and citations

1: Bharat Jayram Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, Critical Global Health: Evidence, Efficacy, Ethnography (Duke University Press, 2021), 37.

2: Ramananda Chatterjee, The Modern Review Volume Xxvii January To June 1920 (1920), 531.

3: Ramananda Chatterjee, The Modern Review Volume Xxvii January To June 1920, 532.

4: Ramananda Chatterjee, The Modern Review Volume Xxvii January To June 1920, 537.

5: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 36.

6: David Chowry Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis: Its Etiology and Treatment, a Record of 22 Years’ Observation and Work in Open-air Sanatoria (Ballière, Tindall & Cox, 1922), 134.

7: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 135.

8: World Health Organization, Global Tuberculosis Report 2024 (World Health Organization, 2024).

9: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 227.

10: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 14.

11: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 15.

12: John Green, Everything Is Tuberculosis: The History and Persistence of Our Deadliest Infection: The History and Persistence of Our Deadliest Infection (Crash Course Books, 2025), 184.

13: World Health Organization, Global Tuberculosis Report 2024.

14: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 40.

15: Nancy Tomes, The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life (Harvard University Press, 2002), 55.

16: Tomes, The Gospel of Germs, 55.

17: (Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 8) The discovery did bring new ways of testing, such as Koch’s Lymph being used through injection in the skin.

18: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 23.

19: Some other things Muthu cites to disprove a bacterial theory of tuberculosis are that research has found no pathogenic bacteria in the atmosphere and in the air that people with tuberculosis exhale (Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 22).

20: This is not to say he was the first to discover or think of homeostasis.

21: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 110.

22: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 110.

23: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 125.

24: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 85.

25: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 103.

26: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 93.

27: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 92–93.

28: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 93.

29: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 178–79.

30: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 178–79.

31: C. Muthu, “Some Impressions of Tuberculosis Problems in India,” British Journal of Tuberculosis 17, no. 3 (1923): 119, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0366-0850(23)80042-4.

32: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 118.

33: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 118, 111.

34: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 174.

35: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 174.

36: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 175.

37: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 175.

38: Muthu, “Some Impressions of Tuberculosis Problems in India,” 120.

39: Muthu, Pulmonary Tuberculosis, 227.

40: Muthu named this sanatorium the Tamabaram after the taluk, which the sanatorium was located. (Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 74) Sanatorium were frequently located on hill tops because of their cold, dry air, which was considered healing and the opposite of the humid, wet air in most of India. Hill tops were not only places for sanatoriums, but also bases (which also functioned as sanatoriums). (Sanitary Commissioner, Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India (India, 1870), 3; Sanitary Commissioner, Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India (India, 1894), 47; as cited in David Arnold, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (University of California Press, 1993), 79) They were so popular that by 1894, 23% of British Troops were located in hill top bases. (Sanitary Commissioner, Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India, 47)

41: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 74.

42: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 253.

43: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 254.

44: Venkat, At the Limits of Cure, 254.


Arnold, David. Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India. University of California Press, 1993.

Green, John. Everything Is Tuberculosis: The History and Persistence of Our Deadliest Infection: The History and Persistence of Our Deadliest Infection. Crash Course Books, 2025.

Muthu, C. “Some Impressions of Tuberculosis Problems in India.” British Journal of Tuberculosis 17, no. 3 (1923): 118–120. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0366-0850(23)80042-4.

Muthu, David Chowry. Pulmonary Tuberculosis: Its Etiology and Treatment, a Record of 22 Years’ Observation and Work in Open-air Sanatoria. Ballière, Tindall & Cox, 1922.

Ramananda Chatterjee. The Modern Review Volume Xxvii January To June 1920. 1920.

Sanitary Commissioner. Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India. India, 1870.

Sanitary Commissioner. Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India. India, 1894.

Tomes, Nancy. The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life. Harvard University Press, 2002.

Venkat, Bharat Jayram. At the Limits of Cure. Critical Global Health: Evidence, Efficacy, Ethnography. Duke University Press, 2021.

World Health Organization. Global Tuberculosis Report 2024. World Health Organization, 2024.